Is China Backing Bhandari’s Return?

Since entering politics as a student, Bidya Bhandari has been aligned with the CPN-UML and leftist ideologies. She served as the party’s vice president for two terms and played a prominent role before becoming Nepal’s president. This shows that she held a position just below the party president.

Although she became head of state with UML’s support, both the legal and moral ties to the party should have ended once she assumed the non-partisan role of president.

Many were surprised to see Bhandari re-engage with UML politics after her seven-year tenure at Shital Niwas. While in office, she actively sought political appointments for her former UML allies.

In recent times, figures associated with the Madan Bhandari Foundation have increasingly advocated for her return to active politics within UML.

Bhandari’s current trip to China and the warm welcome extended by Chinese leaders appear to carry political significance.

During her current China visit, Bhandari said at a political dialogue hosted by the CPC’s International Department that “Asia should now be a platform for peace, mutual cooperation, and development.”

In this context, Liu Jianchao, head of the Communist Party of China’s International Department, met former President Bhandari in Beijing. This meeting underscores China’s geopolitical interest in her and suggests encouragement for leftist unity under her leadership in Nepal.

Is China now playing the “Bidya card” to influence Nepal’s leftist forces? This piece also explores what China might expect from Nepal’s communist parties during Bhandari’s visit amid South Asia’s shifting geopolitical landscape.

Bridling Bidya

During the height of internal conflicts within the then Nepal Communist Party (NCP)—a “cocktail of Maoism, Marxism, and Leninism” heavily influenced by China—Chinese Ambassador Hou Yanqi arranged a 45-minute phone call between Chinese President Xi Jinping and Nepal’s ceremonial President Bhandari at Shital Niwas.

Ironically, Xi, whose leadership style is deeply rooted in centralized control, asked Nepal’s ceremonial head of state to help prevent a split in the NCP. This highlights China’s strategic approach to Nepal: even a ceremonial figure can be politically useful.

Soon after this call, Ambassador Hou relayed Xi’s message urging the NCP not to dissolve the government, citing the risk of instability and halted cooperation with China.

However, despite being China’s most trusted ally, Prime Minister KP Oli decided to dissolve the House of Representatives in 2021. As China’s carefully cultivated leftist ecosystem began to collapse, Ambassador Hou intensified her efforts.

She held one-on-one and group meetings with leaders of the Maoist Centre and UML, often with Bhandari present—making her a key witness to China’s political interference in Nepal.

In trying to preserve the Chinese-backed NCP, Bhandari compromised the dignity of her presidential role. Despite this, the party eventually split. Now, does China view Bhandari—who has shown her loyalty—as a “strategic pawn” to revive its vision of a unified communist force in Nepal?

Friendship, Not a Pawn

Within UML, Madan Bhandari is revered for articulating “People’s Multi-party Democracy”—much like the Nepali Congress honors BP Koirala. Bidya Bhandari’s political stature is closely tied to Madan Bhandari’s legacy, which gives her emotional and ideological standing in UML. Thus, her political return does not raise concerns among most communist leaders.

In 2019, when party disputes arose within the NCP, both KP Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal turned to President Bhandari for mediation—highlighting her central role. China seems to recognize this potential.

During Xi Jinping’s 2019 visit to Nepal, Bhandari welcomed him at the airport and remarked that Nepal–China friendship is “as high as Everest and as deep as the ocean.”

She has supported the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) since its beginning, even though Nepal’s internal approach to BRI has been fraught with controversy.

Following this visit, many will likely view Bhandari more as China’s ideological ally than Nepal’s former head of state. Whether she can return and successfully unify Nepal’s communist forces remains to be seen.

While KP Oli was instrumental in constitution-making post-2015 and was never a member of the second Constituent Assembly, his tenure cemented his influence within UML. Yet, Oli’s nationalist rhetoric and self-centered leadership have led to fragmentation within the left.

His alienation of leaders like Madhav Nepal and Pushpa Kamal Dahal weakened unity. China now appears unwilling to rely solely on Oli and may instead look to Bhandari—who embodies both emotional resonance and political experience—as a new unifying figure.

During her current China visit, Bhandari said at a political dialogue hosted by the CPC’s International Department that “Asia should now be a platform for peace, mutual cooperation, and development.”

While these words appear noble, they raise questions about China’s definition of peace—especially given its close alliance with Pakistan.

Following this visit, many will likely view Bhandari more as China’s ideological ally than Nepal’s former head of state. Whether she can return and successfully unify Nepal’s communist forces remains to be seen.

However, Nepal’s foreign friendships—whether with China or any other country—must never reduce its leaders to pawns.