KATHMANDU: Sarita Prasai, a member of the House of Representatives (HoR) and a central committee member of the Nepali Congress (NC), is a young leader elected from the Khas Arya community during the 2079 BS parliamentary elections.
Hailing from Jhapa—a district once considered a leftist stronghold—Prasai has emerged as one of the prominent NC leaders.
Prasai began her political journey through the Nepal Students’ Union and Nepal Tarun Dal. She was elected as a central committee member from the panel of Dr. Shekhar Koirala during the party’s 14th General Convention.
While senior Nepali Congress leaders from Jhapa, such as Krishna Prasad Sitaula and Bishwaprakash Sharma, are aligned with different factions, Prasai remains firmly in the Koirala camp.
She played an active role in securing Koirala’s victory during the 14th Convention and is now working to help him become party president again in the upcoming 15th General Convention.
Jhapa is also the home district of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli. Prasai acknowledges that the Nepali Congress faces challenges in the district, particularly as the Nepali Congress and UML are currently cooperating in the government.
Nevertheless, she is confident that the Nepali Congress can defeat the UML in Jhapa during the upcoming 2027 elections.
Speaking to Khabarhub, Prasai said, “Just recently, I raised this in the party meeting—has Jhapa district been handed over to the CPN-UML, Mr. President, Mr. General Secretary? What’s going on? We are facing difficulties.”
In this context, here is an excerpt from a conversation between journalist Keshav Saud and MP Sarita Prasai, focusing on the review of the winter parliamentary session, the Congress-UML coalition, and internal factional dynamics within the Congress.
According to Prasai, internal factions within the party may dissolve as Sher Bahadur Deuba is unlikely to contest for the party presidency in the upcoming General Convention. Excerpts:
The winter session of the Federal Parliament has just concluded. This session is often considered a “bill session.” However, many believe it failed to pass laws as expected. As a Member of Parliament, how do you evaluate this session?
The winter session is indeed regarded as the bill session. Compared to the previous session, we did make some progress—we passed 10 bills, including five ordinances and five other bills. But it’s still not enough.
Many important bills couldn’t be passed because they got stuck in parliamentary committees and were never sent to the full House for discussion. So while the number is slightly higher than before, it’s still far from satisfactory.
Why is there a delay in the parliamentary committees taking action on government-proposed bills?
When the government drafts a bill, it’s submitted to the House, which then forwards it to the relevant committees. These committees receive multiple proposed amendments from members, and they need to call in those proposing changes, consult with stakeholders, and engage experts.
After that, the bill goes through clause-by-clause discussion. It’s a long process. Also, it’s harder to hold committee meetings when the House is in session.
Still, if there’s the will, things can move faster. So instead of assigning blame, we just have to admit that things are moving too slowly.
The Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML are currently running the government together. When the coalition was formed, amending the constitution was stated as a key agenda. But the government hasn’t even started that process, has it?
Ideally, in a democratic system, one big party should govern and the other should sit in opposition. But in Nepal, with governments changing every six months to a year, there was growing frustration—among the public and within the system.
This instability wasn’t limited to the federal level; the provinces were in chaos too. In fact, we saw eight governments in seven provinces and the center. Everything from development to governance was paralyzed.
The focus shifted entirely to power games—who would become Prime Minister or Minister. So, whether we liked it or not, we were forced to form a coalition between the two big parties in order to bring stability.
However, the performance hasn’t lived up to expectations. Constitutional amendments haven’t moved forward. And our expectations—that this coalition would bring reform and curb corruption—haven’t been met. As Congress MPs, we continue to raise these concerns.
There seems to be dissatisfaction within the Nepali Congress about the KP Oli-led government. Is that true?
I wouldn’t call it dissatisfaction. But if the two largest parties—after forming a government together—fail to deliver, then the voices of protest and frustration on the streets will grow louder. People will lose hope. And if that happens, where do they turn?
So, it’s our duty to make sure the government performs well. We must ensure good governance and curb corruption. The Prime Minister may be from UML, but we, the Nepali Congress, are also part of this government. We cannot wash our hands of responsibility.
That’s why we have to keep speaking up—pushing for reform, transparency, and good performance. As an MP and a central member of the party, I see it as my responsibility to continuously warn and guide the government. This is not dissatisfaction—it’s an effort to steer things in the right direction.
In your home province, Koshi, Dr. Shekhar Koirala formed a provincial government in alliance with UML, which was contrary to the national equation. Later, a similar alliance was formed at the federal level. Was this move driven by Dr. Koirala’s policy?
As I said earlier, the Nepali Congress and UML forming a coalition was a matter of political compulsion. And the person who first spoke about the need for such an alliance to bring national stability was Dr. Shekhar Koirala himself.
He has never opposed the idea of coalition, but he has raised concerns about the government’s performance—its decision-making, governance, anti-corruption efforts, and appointments.
There is currently no alternative government in sight, which is why Dr. Koirala has raised these issues. Isn’t it the duty of party leaders to speak out?
I’ve spoken up, he has, and so have other MPs. If the government fails to perform, the public will question all of us, in every district. And we’ll have to answer.
So, these remarks are not warnings against the government itself, but against poor performance. We must ensure the government doesn’t betray the people’s trust or cater to reactionary forces creating chaos outside. That’s exactly what Dr. Koirala has been saying too.
Let’s now move to internal party matters. There are calls for the 15th General Convention of the Nepali Congress to be held on time. However, some say that it has rarely been held on schedule in the party’s history. When do you think it will happen?
Historically, the party’s general convention has often been delayed by adding a year to the regular term. That might happen again. However, it should not be pushed back beyond that extended period. If delayed further, it will clash with the upcoming parliamentary and local elections.
Any frustration or dissatisfaction arising from delays in the general convention could directly affect those elections. That’s why we are strongly advocating for the convention to be held on time—so that the party and its supporters can move forward with clarity and unity.
We’ve already seen what happens when conventions aren’t held on time—just look at the state of our sister organizations. Some of them haven’t held their general conventions for 9 or 10 years. As a result, they’ve become stagnant, as evident in the recent Free Student Union (FSU) elections.
Without regular conventions, people remain “stuck” in their positions, and the party loses its momentum. That’s why both the party and its sister organizations must hold their general conventions on time. That’s our clear and consistent position.
Speaking of sister organizations, the Nepali Congress had instructed all of them to hold their conventions by the end of Chaitra. But now it seems unlikely that most will meet that deadline. Will the current leadership continue after Chaitra, or will the board of directors take over?
That’s for the party to decide. I’m also on the board of Tarun Dal, but we don’t have the authority to make that call. Whether the current committees are continued, new ad hoc committees are formed, or the board takes charge—those are decisions made by the party’s central committee.
It’s been about one and a half to two months since the new board of Tarun Dal was formed. In that time, we’ve amended the statute at the district level and started distributing memberships from the ward level in preparation for conventions.
But since there hasn’t been a general convention in nearly a decade, it’s difficult to organize one within just two months.
The party had initially aimed to complete all conventions by mid-Chaitra. Whether that target will be met or not is up to the central leadership.
But yes, the delay in holding conventions for organizations like Tarun Dal, Nepal Student Union (NSU), and Mahila Sangh (Women’s Association) is very unfortunate.
It’s causing a huge loss to the Nepali Congress. After joining the board of Tarun Dal, I’ve visited three or four districts. Many of my friends are still district presidents after 10 or 11 years!
This kind of leadership bottleneck causes frustration and even conflict. Had we held regular conventions, we would have had two new central committees by now. The leadership pipeline would be stronger, and the organization more agile.
So yes, we must hold general conventions for our sister organizations promptly—and the party’s general convention as well—so that we can bring everything into a proper system.
In the recent Free Student Union (FSU) elections, both the Congress and UML seemed to struggle, while the CPN-Maoist Center appeared energized. What’s your view on that?
As I said earlier, without timely organization-level elections, the Nepali Congress hasn’t been able to maintain its strength. In many campuses, Nepali Congress-affiliated students fought in two or even three separate groups.
At Tribhuvan University, Padma Kanya, and Trichandra campuses, we did win—but we could have done even better if we had been united.
The split was a direct result of not having a functioning fraternal organization. It’s not that the Congress was weak in the FSU elections, but yes—it was a wake-up call. If we had held our convention, our organization would have been more dynamic, and this outcome could have been different.
There’s been talk that the traditional factions within the Nepali Congress are starting to break down and new alignments are forming. Do you see that happening?
Yes, that’s only natural. According to the party statute, President Sher Bahadur Deuba cannot contest in the next general convention. That alone is going to change a lot.
Without him in the race, many of his supporters may start aligning with other camps. New groups will form based on who steps forward to contest the presidency.
If Deuba Dai were running again, the previous faction would have likely remained intact. But since he isn’t, we’re definitely going to see a shift.
It’s said that the team which contested the last general convention from Dr. Shekhar Koirala’s side isn’t united anymore. Is that true?
In the 14th General Convention, we contested from Dr. Shekhar Koirala’s panel. Whether those same people will stay united in the 15th convention remains to be seen.
Right now, we’re not formally discussing who will contest and from where. So far, no one from our group has publicly announced they will run for president—only Shekhar Koirala has been mentioned.
Back then, there were four main teams: Sher Bahadur Deuba’s, ours (Shekhar Koirala’s), Prakashman’s, and Bimalendra Nidhi’s. In the second round, Prakashman and Bimalendra supported Sher Bahadur Dai. But now, things are definitely going to shift. The landscape will be different, and new alliances will form.
It’s been said that Nepali Congress leader Dr. Shekhar Koirala is becoming weaker. Do you agree with that?
I recently came across news about this. The truth will be revealed at the upcoming general convention. It’s easy to claim someone is “weak”—but on what basis is this being said?
What criteria were used to write that news? Just because a few people who were with Shekhar Koirala were seen outside doesn’t mean he’s weak. Have the analysts or reporters observed who those people are? And on what grounds is he being labeled as weak?
Your home district is Jhapa, where the main competition is between the Congress and UML. You’re currently in a power-sharing partnership with the UML. Do you think this will affect the upcoming elections in Jhapa?
It will definitely have an impact on Jhapa. I raised this very issue in the recent parliamentary party meeting. The UML has been given all the key responsibilities in Jhapa.
The Prime Minister, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the Chief Minister, the Minister of Physical Education, Nepal’s ambassador to China—these are all UML leaders from Jhapa. Even the Chairman of the Landless Squatters Commission is from the UML.
I made it clear in the party meeting yesterday: “Jhapa district has been given to the UML, Chairman, General Secretary. What’s going on?” It’s challenging for us.
How can we form our organization in Jhapa when so many key figures are from the UML? Despite these challenges, we are not afraid.
Our competition is with the CPN-UML. Even though we are in a government partnership, we will still fight to win Jhapa for Congress by leveling the playing field.
On one hand, you say this, but on the other hand, there are visible factions within the Nepali Congress in Jhapa. Can you comment on that?
Those factions exist within the party’s internal elections. In those elections, members elect the leader they support. However, in parliamentary and local elections, we are united.
There are no factions within the party during those times. So, when it comes to general elections, we work together as one.
A new figure, Durga Prasai, has emerged in Jhapa. Rajendra Lingden, the leader of RPP, is also from Jhapa. Don’t these royalist figures make things difficult for Nepali Congress in the region?
It’s clear that, Durga Prasai, has entered the political scene, saying he will form a party and contest the elections. If they choose to participate in the democracy that we brought about, we can’t say no to them.
We must focus on strengthening our organization and fight with courage. We welcome all who engage in the democratic process. The constitution itself has given us the right to compete.
But no, we shouldn’t be afraid of anyone—whether they’re royalists or otherwise. We must stand firm and face the challenge head-on.
What’s your personal relationship with Durga Prasai? How much influence do you think he could have in Jhapa?
We are related—Durga Prasai is my uncle. However, the true picture will only emerge after the elections. He hasn’t contested yet.
In the past, he identified as a Maoist. Later, he joined the UML as a central member. Now, he’s identifying with the royalist camp. After the elections, we will see how the people of Jhapa view him and his political journey.
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