Misconceptions Sparked by ‘The Cleaved Kingdom’

Sarojini Tamling Subba’s The Cleaved Kingdom: Unveiling Myths of Limbuwan and Sukhim has recently been released. In this book, the author claims that the origins of the kingdoms of Sikkim and Limbuwan can be traced back to Tibet.

She presents the idea that Prince Yumten of the Yarlung-Tubo dynasty from Tibet migrated to Yakthung Limbuwan, and he is identified as the ancestor of the Yakthung Limbu people, known as Ubahang. Similarly, she writes that Murob Chenpo, also from the Yarlung-Tubo dynasty, entered Sikkim and became the progenitor of the Chogyal rulers of Sikkim.

She further asserts that the Tibetan language, script, Bon religion, and rituals of the past form the basis of the present-day history, language, script, and Yuma religion of the Yakthung Limbu people. This, in essence, is the main argument of the book.

In attempting to present her ideas in a distinct way rather than unveiling the actual myths of Limbuwan and Sikkim, the author seems to have been heavily influenced by Iman Singh Chemjong. She extensively analyzes Chemjong’s works — Kirat Itihas (1948) and Kirat Mundhum Khahun (1982). While doing so, she tries to refute Chemjong’s view that the Limbu people belong to the broader Kirati group.

The author has discussed various mountains, hills, and villages, such as Sagarmatha, Faktanglung, Kanchanjungha, Pathibhara, Sewalungma, and Fiyamlungma, as places of origin for the Yakthung Limbu people. In the Mundhum [the spiritual knowledge and oral scripture of the Limbu], there is no mention of Sagarmatha.

The Limbu people have referred to Kanchanjungha in documents as Kelang Sitlang. The most sacred mountain frequently mentioned in the Mundhum is Faktanglung.

This mountain is called Kumbhakarna by Chhetris and Brahmins, and Jannu by foreigners. The mountain known as Pathibhara is called Muktibung by the Limbus. Writings by Sirijunga from the 18th century mention both Faktanglung and Muktibung. Sewalung refers to Sengwalung Changsanglung, also known as Inglekeni.

The author has compared the Yuma religion, or Samyo, with the Bon religion. In truth, the Limbus are more traditionalists than religious followers. They practice customary laws symbolized by grass (dubo—Cynodon dactylon), pichha sambok, and dhunga (stone), which are collectively referred to as Samyoklung. The term Samyoklung originates from Sambok. The word Samyo itself is derived from Samyoklung.

It is called Inglekeni because it appears the same from every angle and often deceives the observer. This mountain lies in the watershed between the Mewa River÷Kettakum and Tamor River÷Imbiri Yangthangwa and has been named Manabhara by Brahmins and Chhetris.

Fiyamlungma, on the other hand, is a character from the Mundhum. She is the life partner of Susuweng Lalaweng, the son of Mujingna Kheyangna, the first human of creation.

The author discusses the Mundhumi dwarf people—those who seek shelter in mushroom groves ho patte?yo wa keimsingba, climb ferns kattekwabung kelingbaha, rest their loads on goat manure mendahi samdo kak kenambaha, and bask in the sun on yam leaves khe phekwa?ao nam kejabaha. However, she does not mention the original place of the Lungbongba Khambongba people, who were born from stone and earth.

During the process of creation, Porokmi Yamphami had to confront a drought. After receiving a command from Tagera Ningwafumang, Porokmi Yamphami sets out to throw chhelo÷pa?lum by hurling a stone, and searches for a large chunk of rock in Iwa Hada’s Phaksera Tigenjong.

There, he finds the Lungbongba Khambongba throwing chhelo÷pa?lum and marking boundaries. Porokmi Yamphami negotiates with them and obtains a piece of stone under the condition that if he fails to throw beyond the boundary they have marked, he must face death.

Porokmi Yamphami hurls the shot put from Iwa Hada, and it soars into the sky, colliding with the celestial realm—Ladok Surung and Namdok Surung. The stone he throws lands on the shoulder of Faktanglung mountain. At Sakhonglung Khongwana Tembema, a water spring bursts forth. From there, seeds and plants begin to sprout.

The place where Porokmi Yamphami asked for a shot put is now known as Iwa Hada. In the past, the area was covered with large bamboo groves (Xylosma controversum), and it was called Phaksera Tigenzong. This location now falls within Aathrai Rural Municipality in Tehrathum District.

Even today, it is still known by the name Iwa Hada. A sacred post (thaan thapna) has been established there, and the place is revered in the names of Hada Raja and Rani (king and queen).

Stone and clay artifacts have been discovered in the area. Items used by ancient people, such as clay bead necklaces (Khambrakma Lungbrakma), decorated clay pots, and stone tools, have been found. Graves of those people have also been discovered, along with intricately carved stones used for placing the bodies.

Limbu writers have shown little interest in Mundhumi heritage sites. As a result, the origin and ancestral homeland of the Limbu people often remain a subject of dispute. There is a long-standing tendency to associate Limbu culture with that of dominant or elite communities, leading to the erosion of its unique identity from the past to the present.

Although the author has based her arguments regarding the origin of the Yakthung Limbu people on the Mundhum, she has primarily regarded Iman Singh Chemjong’s views as paramount, asserting that the Limbus arrived from various regions.

She emphasizes Chemjong’s opinion that the Limbus came from Burma, China, Yunnan, and through Khamphajong in Tibet to Taplejung. The author also discusses, as Chemjong mentioned, the Tai-Shan dynasty’s Pongbohang, followed by Mungmorongba, Ubahang, and Mabohang as the ancestors of the Limbus. Therefore, while critiquing the author’s book, it is also necessary to refute Iman Singh Chemjong’s views.

Chemjong wrote that the ancestors of the present-day Limbu people were Tai-Shan lineage kings named Pongbohang in a place called Nammavong in Burma.

However, this seems doubtful because Chemjong himself also mentioned that among the eight kings of the Phedap region, one was Laraso Pangbohang. In Volume 88 of the Hodgson Collection, there is a note written in the Limbu language that mentions a king named Pangbohang.

According to the note, Pangbohang resided in a place called Weratappa. Surrounding it were lakes named Lawa and Tawa. There was a salt mine in Yufrekma, a gold mine in Sundhowa, an iron mine in Lawa, and a copper mine in Tawa. Over time, he became known as childless.

The exact location of this place has become a subject of inquiry. However, phrases in the note, such as “from the west of Mainachuli to the east of Barahakshetra, one must not cross hing÷asafetida,” suggest that this place might be present-day Bijaypur in Dharan. The use of the word “Weratappa” in the note and Chemjong’s mention that the old name of Bijaypur was also “Waratappa” further support this assumption.

According to Chemjong, Shan Makwanvansi from the village of Mukkang in Burma became the king of Mungmorongba. After arriving in Assam and defeating the Kashivanshi rulers in battle, he established his rule in present-day Morang.

The name of the Morang kingdom is said to have originated from the name of King Mungmorongba. Gorkhali authorities issued land grant documents (Lalmohar) to collect land taxes from the Limbus, and these documents often contain phrases such as “this land was given by King Sen Makuwani to your ancestors.”

Based on such documents, Chemjong might have connected the Limbus’ ancestry to Sen Makuwani. In reality, the Limbus referred to the Sen kings who came from India to Makwanpur in Nepal as “Sen Makuwani.” Before the arrival of the Gorkhalis, the Yakthung Limbus were under the rule of the Sen kings of Morang–Vijayapur.

When the Gorkhalis established their rule over Limbuwan, the documents they issued to the Limbus included statements like “just as Sen Makuwani gave you the land, we Gorkhalis also grant it to you,” to validate their authority.

In truth, “Shan Makwan÷Sen Makuwani” is not a Limbu lineage, but the Limbus tried to associate themselves with Sen kings from India. Even the ancestral king of the Yakthung Limbus, Fedapahang, used to prefix his name with “Sen” and was known as Sensengum Fedapahang. In the year 2015 B.S., M.P. Dagal Singh Thegim identified himself as Dagal Singh Sen.

It is not true, as Chemjong claimed, that the name Morang came from “Murmurangba,” coming from Burma and establishing the Morang kingdom.

The historical Morang kingdom has its own distinct history. In the book Puratatwa Sangraha (Volume 2), written by Shangkarman Rajbangshi in the year 2018 B.S. (1961 A.D.), black seals from the Sena period were collected and printed. On page 4 of this book, it is written that King Harichandra Sen and King Brisha Sen issued Syaha Mohar [land grant] to Tuhu, Yaklekwa, Khejim, and Thidiu Rayas from Morung (Morang) in the year 1719 B.S. Those who received these Syaha Mohar were the ancestors of the present-day Khajum, Makkhim, Papo, and Chemjong Limbu people.

In the Hodgson Collection, in letter numbers 243 to 245, it is mentioned that there was a king of Morang in Budhimorang (also spelled Buddhimorang). Budhimorang, located in Chaubise, Dhankuta, is a historical place.

There, prehistoric stone tools and clay ornaments have been discovered. Silver coins from the era of Delhi’s Emperor Sher Shah have also been found. Remains of a palace still exist.

There is a place where culprits used to be executed on stakes. Long stones, Lungkemba, have been erected, which symbolize Limbu rulers and their governance. In the nearby villages of Khuwaphuk and Sapten, long stones are also embedded in the ground. There are carved caves in stones just large enough for a person to hide inside. These are called Bhadalung.

Large catapults, Matyangra, have been found, which were used by the kings of Khuwaphuk and Sapten to engage in battle. Some of these Matyangras and silver coins from Sher Shah’s time are preserved at the Yuma Museum in Cho?lung Park.

Chemjong has written that the present-day Limbu people are descendants of Munaphenhang, which cannot be confirmed. According to Chemjong, Subahang’s son was Munaphenhang. Munaphenhang’s son was Lashahang. Lashahang’s sons were Ubahang and Chongbahang.

According to Chemjong, the Tibetan king Langdarma had two sons—the elder was named Ngadak Usung, and the younger was Ngadak Yumten. Chemjong speculated that the Tibetan prince Yumten and the Limbu ancestor Ubahang might have been the same person. Similarly, an author also speculated that Lashahang and Langdarma might have been the same.

However, in Tibetan history, names like Munaphenhang, Lashahang, Ubahang, and Chongbahang, as mentioned by Chemjong, are not found. In the Mundhum, the term “Sinyuk Mudhen” refers to the north, which meant China, not Tibet.

How did Chemjong write “Munaphenhang”? It is understood that Chemjong read a manuscript that had been documented since B.S. 1889 (1832 A.D.) on Baisakh 17 (around April/May). This document was found with Ambikaprasad Angdembe from Amlabung, Panchthar, and is now preserved at the Yuma Museum in Cho?lung Park.

Though the document is written in the Yakthung Limbu language using the Devanagari script, the title is written in both Devanagari and Sirijunga script.

The sentence written in the Sirijunga script can be read as “Mundhum Munalen.” However, when quickly glancing at the Devanagari text, the word following “Muna” is not distinguishable—it could be read as “le,” “phe,” or “me.” But based on the Sirijunga script, it is confirmed to be written as “Munalen.”

The sentence following “Munalen” is also “Mundhum.” The meaning of this title seems to relate to the origin and arrival of human beings. Thus, Chemjong interpreted the word “Munalen” as “Munaphen,” meaning the arrival of humans, which did not carry another meaning. The document also includes words like “Manuwaphemba,” which roughly translates to “the arrival of humans.” So, “Munaphen” implies the arrival of people.

However, Chemjong went a step further and tried to establish “Munaphen” as a lineage name. He even wrote about the descendants of Munaphenhang, such as Lashahang and Ubahang.

Regarding the place of origin of human beings, the document states: “Om Mucho?lung Mangle Subhofa Lajeyo Yapmi Chogu”—which means the Creator created humans in Subhofa.

This makes it clear that humans originated not in a place called Munaphen, but rather in a place called Subhofa. Taking this name “Subhofa,” Chemjong identified “Subahang” as a king of Khaminya in Tibet. He then claimed that the descendants of this Subahang were the Munaphenhang.

The document also states: “Shree Om Mucho?lungmangle Ubahang Kuming le Samso Yeming Thikyen Sepmang Muna Laje Yo Nessu,” which means that one day the Creator gave Ubahang a dream where he would unveil or rule over the world of humans under the name Ubahang. Chemjong read the words “Samso Yeming” as “Khamin,” and claimed that Subahang became a king in Khaminya, Tibet.

The document later mentions that Ubahang had a son named Isaha, and their descendants were known as Yakthungba Limbu people. It also says that their descendants traveled across Hindustan, ruling from the Kathmandu Valley to Palpa, Morang, Bijayapur, and Sumhalung in Panchthar.

Even though it mentions that the descendants of Ubahang reached Kashi and Lanka, it does not mention China or Tibet. Despite this being an old document, later scribes may have erased or altered some key facts. In reality, Ubahang, Chongbahang, and Mabohang were not descendants of Tibetan kings, but rather descendants of different clans of Limbu people from the Tamor Khola region.

The sacred site referred to as Subhofa or Subhowa is believed to be located at Nangkholeng in the Tamor Khola area, where a battle took place between the sons of Ipanaso Sarangthangna—Namsami and Kesami. This battle is symbolically regarded as a struggle between humanity and demonic forces, representing good versus evil.

The spiritual knowledge of the Limbu people is called Mundhum. According to the Mundhum, the Limbu do not believe in reincarnation but in the descent of the soul. In the Limbu tradition, ancestors are referred to as Thaba, and the spirits of ancestors are called Sam. Deities are called Mang. When the positive actions of ancestors are deified, Thaba Sam are regarded as Mang (deities).

The origin of humans remains a subject of research and exploration. However, the foundation of the Yakthung Limbu civilization is rooted in Mundhum.

Thus, the origin of Yakthung civilization can be traced back to the sacred sites mentioned in the Mundhum. These Mundhumi heritage sites are primarily located in the present-day Taplejung district, starting from Sodungwarak (a sacred pond) in Tokpegola, Singsaden (a place where barley was cultivated), Sengwalung Changsanglung, Palung Lodenwarak (a pond), Tiptalung (Tiptala Pass), and extending to Faktanglung and Kelang Sitlang. From there, the spread of civilization gradually became confined to parts of Panchthar, Tehrathum, and Dhankuta districts.

The author has compared the Yuma religion, or Samyo, with the Bon religion. In truth, the Limbus are more traditionalists than religious followers. They practice customary laws symbolized by grass (dubo—Cynodon dactylon), pichha sambok, and dhunga (stone), which are collectively referred to as Samyoklung. The term Samyoklung originates from Sambok. The word Samyo itself is derived from Samyoklung.

According to the Mundhum recited by the Limbu ritual specialists—Fedangma, Samba, Yeba, and Yema—the Limbu belief system does not include the concepts of heaven and hell.

They believe that after death, the blood, flesh, and bones decay and perish, but the soul remains eternal. These souls are believed to inhabit elements of nature such as stone, earth, fire, water, trees, leaves, animals, and birds. The souls of the living are referred to as Hangsam.

The souls of those who die a good death are called Thaba Sam. These Thaba Sams are believed to become divine spirits and guardians. Such ancestral spirits must be honored and appeased to ensure the longevity and prosperity of the family and community.

Souls of those who have died unnatural or tragic deaths are called Si:Sam. For example, those who die from falling or accidents are referred to as samsongha—langdhok kemba.

Women who die during childbirth are believed to become khappura sugut—susume kherengme. Children who die before teething are called sasik yangdang. If a corpse is touched by animals or birds after death, the soul is believed to turn into a lechham fungsam. These kinds of souls bring only suffering. In order to appease them, they must be acknowledged and honored through rituals.

Reviving or appeasing such ancestral spirits is the essence of the various rituals performed from birth to death. In villages, elders—Tumyangs—conduct ceremonies like Mang De/Manghup Wademma—a ritual to cleanse misfortunes and pandemics believed to be caused by the curses of ancestors angered by the shortcomings of their descendants—by performing rituals at the confluence of three rivers (Triveni). Other spiritual leaders like Fedangma, Samba, Yeba, and Yema also carry out these spiritual duties.

In the villages, when a Fedangma recites the Mundhum to Yuma Mang, they describe her manifestation in modern-day Tokpegola’s Sodungwarak in Taplejung District, at the headwaters of the Mewa River in Singsaden. She creates her offspring and roams across various places, accompanied by a procession of animals and birds.

The spiritual knowledge of the Limbu people is called Mundhum. According to the Mundhum, the Limbu do not believe in reincarnation but in the descent of the soul. In the Limbu tradition, ancestors are referred to as Thaba, and the spirits of ancestors are called Sam. Deities are called Mang. When the positive actions of ancestors are deified, Thaba Sam are regarded as Mang (deities).

The Limbu people believe that the entire natural world is inhabited by spirits. If these spirits are properly respected and appeased, they become benevolent forces or deities (Mang). If angered, however, they can bring disease, disaster, or misfortune and become malevolent spirits (Saammang Chyang).

Nature divinities like Kui Kutapmang (forest deities) and Si:Sam (evil spirits) bring only suffering. The ritual practices to appease and harmonize with these deities, divinities, and spirits are central to the Mundhum, performed by spiritual figures like Phedangma, Samba, Yeba, and Yema.

In truth, for the Limbu people, Cho?lung (spiritual attainment or enlightenment) is the realization of the soul. In the past, to protect themselves and others, their ancestors had to confront great natural challenges. These experiences have been passed down through generations as Mundhumi rituals, narrated and enacted by spiritual elders like Tumyangs, Phedangma, Samba, Yeba, and Yema.

For instance, the ancestral figure Porokmi Yamphami is said to have created a lush, green environment in this universe. But he had to face drought. To bring rain, he struck a huge rock on Phaktanglung/Kumbhakarna/Jannu mountain, releasing water and allowing seeds to sprout, thus sustaining life.

In present-day Lingkhim and Muyum in Taplejung District, Yuma identified seeds of crops like Piyama (foxtail millet) and Takmare (barnyard millet) for cultivation. In Padmalungma, she taught the ancestors Mukkumulung and Fiyamulung to cultivate silk and weave cloth. In Feyari Chengchengba, young men discovered iron and began making tools like khukuri/sinyuk.

These great ancestral experiences in overcoming nature are seen as spiritual achievements, or Cho?lung. According to Limbu belief, remembering and reenacting such ancestral feats ensures the presence of spiritual fulfillment—Cho?lung. They believe that doing so brings good health and prosperity to the family and community.

Chemjong himself has written in the Sirijunga script in the Limbu language that Goddess Yuma descended upon the body of King Mabohang. He portrayed Yuma as a monotheistic deity. When Fedangma, Samba, Yeba, and Yema recite the Mundhum, they awaken the entire nature.

They give names to stones, soil, fire, water, trees, animals, and birds. They explain the significance of these natural elements to the followers and transmit the knowledge to future generations through rituals and performances.

For instance, as a Fedangma chants the Mundhum and journeys through hills and valleys, upon reaching a place where the Jatamansi (Nardostachys) flower blooms, they name it in Limbu as Pangbo?Maphung. They describe its beauty and talk about its healing properties and methods of use.

In the book History of Sikkim, bound in 1908 in the names of Maharaja Thutob Namgyal and Maharani Yeshe Dolma, on page 22 of the section titled “Pedigree of Sikkim” (the genealogy of the Kazis of Sikkim), Sirijunga is mentioned. Among the Limbu people, there are spiritual roles such as Fedangma, Yeba, and Yema.

In the villages, when a Fedangma recites the Mundhum to Yuma Mang, they describe her manifestation in modern-day Tokpegola’s Sodungwarak in Taplejung District, at the headwaters of the Mewa River in Singsaden. She creates her offspring and roams across various places, accompanied by a procession of animals and birds.

She passes through Sengwalung Changsulung, Palung–Loden Warak, and reaches Tiptalung. Her path is blocked by the emergence of Wetlaso Futlaso Warak (a great pond). She requests the animals and birds to open the way. A monkey, Khakchum Saba, tries many times to open the pond.

He even uses his mouth sores—possibly his sacred energy—but fails. Likewise, the bird Tuligande (laughing thrush, firita) tries to push the pond open with its head, causing a bulge (gand/tangphan) to appear in its neck, but it also fails. Finally, Yuma appeals to a buffalo grazing in the Arun River Lajiri Labhakkhong.

The herd of buffaloes scratches the pond with their hooves and strikes it with their horns, eventually breaking it open. This allows Yuma and her followers to pass through. Thereafter, Yuma makes a vow that her descendants shall never eat buffalo meat in honor of the buffalo’s help. Even today, Limbu people from Phenduwa, Maden, and other regions do not eat buffalo meat.

After this, Yuma and her descendants journey through other parts of Taplejung, such as Sinjema Lake, Somdo Lake, Walumsum (Olangchung Gola), Yangma, Phaktanglung, Le?wa/Ghunsa, Phale, Sangshabu/Kinginglung, Khejenim/Yakcheyak, and Lingkhim/Thaksiboma, from Muyum/Tangelung to Muktibung. She also visits Yasok in Panchthar, Kummayak–Kussayak, the Siwa River, and the Nibhu River.

At the confluence of the Nibhu and Siwa Rivers in Panchthar, the ancestors of Chemjong—Chaijite and Khalbale—who had gone fishing, yarakma (dance) with Yuma. Mistaking Yuma Sammang for a young maiden, they try to bring her home. Their wives, upon discovering this, become jealous, and Yuma disappears. Then, she moves on to Dhankuta Choubise’s Murkute/Thakkelung and eventually reaches Terathum’s Fedap/Thakchoke.

From ancient times to the present, it is believed that wherever Yuma traveled, people would erect a sacred stone as a representation of Yuma’s handloom. Even today, some of these sacred stones still exist. However, the modern practice has shifted to creating a Yuma altar inside homes and singing her praises there.

In reality, the philosophical essence of Yuma in the Mundhum is not monotheistic but based on naturalism and co-existentialism. Just as Yuma appealed to humans and animals to escape the destructive Wetlaso-Futlaso lake—and the buffaloes opened the path and thus saved humanity—the Mundhum affirms that the role of animals and humans is equally vital in the protection and functioning of the universe.

The buffalo saved humankind, so Yuma vowed never to eat its meat. In this way, the Mundhum emphasizes the importance of an eco-friendly ecosystem and sustainable co-existence.

Why would Mundhumi characters such as Mujingna Kheyongna, Susuweng Lalaweng, Suhampheba, Lahadangna, and Sirijunga of Yangrup be discussed? The translator of the book (possibly written in the Bhotia language and Sambhota script), Kazi Daosandup, did not claim that the Limbu people, language, or script were of Tibetan origin. Then why should we now describe the Limbu language and script as Tibetan in origin?

In the book History of Sikkim, bound in 1908 in the names of Maharaja Thutob Namgyal and Maharani Yeshe Dolma, on page 22 of the section titled “Pedigree of Sikkim” (the genealogy of the Kazis of Sikkim), Sirijunga is mentioned. Among the Limbu people, there are spiritual roles such as Fedangma, Yeba, and Yema.

According to the Mundhum, the god Ningwaphuma Mubokwama created a human named Mujingna Kheyangna by mixing the ashes of bamboo with bird droppings. His son’s name was Susuweng Lalaweng. Susuweng Lalaweng had two children named Suhampheba and Mahadangna (Lahadangna).

They engaged in incestuous relations, from which the Limbu ethnic group originated. Many generations later, Sirijunga appeared in Yangrup. Along with his eight disciples, he began preaching about the origin of the Limbu people through his Mundhum.

He was accused of conspiring against the Sikkimese king and the Tatsang Lama and was shot with a poisoned arrow and thrown into a river. However, as he did not die, bird droppings were stuffed into his mouth so that his soul would take the form of a bird.

At that time, it is written that the ruler was the Gorkha king Singha. Among the Gorkha kings, only King Pratap Singh Shah bore the name “Singha-raja.” He became king in 1775 (B.S. 1832) and passed away in 1777. Therefore, the only verifiable evidence to determine the timeline of Sirijunga is the reign of Pratap Singh Shah in Nepal. This confirms that Sirijunga’s death occurred in 1774.

Despite this strong evidence, it is unnecessary to discuss Iman Singh Chemjong’s opinion or the idea of the two Sirijungas that he proposed. Likewise, the date mentioned in the book Concise History of Nepal, published in 1990 A.D. (first edition in 1954 A.D./2011 B.S.) by Prem Bahadur Mabohang and Bhupendranath Sharma Dhungel, which states that Sirijunga was exiled in 1845 B.S., is proven to be incorrect.

In reality, unless the birth and death dates of Sirijunga as declared by Chemjong are corrected, Sirijunga’s soul will not attain liberation. At that time, a war had already begun between Gorkha, Limbuwan, and Sikkim. Initially, the Limbu people were all on the side of Sikkim.

Gradually, the Limbus started to abandon their alliance with the Bhote/Lepcha. It is possible that the Limbus turned against the Bhotes after the murder of Sirijunga by the Tibetan Lamas, who suspected him of committing treason in the Sikkimese kingdom by promoting the Limbu language and script. Had Sirijunga not become a martyr, Nepal’s border would have been limited to the Tamor River that flows between today’s Terhathum, Panchthar, and Dhankuta districts.

In her book, on page 108, the author writes that the Limbu language and script belong to the family of Chinese-Tibetan languages. To strengthen this claim, she also mentions that Sirijunga was called “Tese Gonsae” by the Lamas. Likewise, in H.H. Risley’s book The Gazetteer of Sikkim, published in 1972 (originally in 1894), on page 37, it is stated that Sirijunga was also known as “Dorjilama of Yangrup.”

In truth, Sirijunga’s writings show significant influence from both Hindu and Buddhist religions. If Sirijunga had truly used a Chinese-Tibetan script, why would the Lamas have killed him? If the Limbu people, language, and script were truly of Tibetan origin, then why would the Bhotia-origin King and Queen, authors of History of Sikkim, have written about the Limbu’s Mundhum, and about deities (Mangs) and spiritual practitioners like Yeba and Yema?

Kangsore was the ancestor of the Phago Wanem clan of Limbu from Maiwakhola in Taplejung. In Volume 85 of the Hodgson Collection, during the description of the war involving the Gorkhas, Limbuwan, Khambuwan, Bhoteyas, and Lapchas, Kangsore is mentioned. He was deceitfully murdered by the Gorkhalis on the banks of the Sabhakhola in Barhabise, Sankhuwasabha.

Why would Mundhumi characters such as Mujingna Kheyongna, Susuweng Lalaweng, Suhampheba, Lahadangna, and Sirijunga of Yangrup be discussed? The translator of the book (possibly written in the Bhotia language and Sambhota script), Kazi Daosandup, did not claim that the Limbu people, language, or script were of Tibetan origin. Then why should we now describe the Limbu language and script as Tibetan in origin?

Similarly, on page 148 of her book, the author mentions the name of Sirijunga among the Limbus who revolted against the Bhotia Changzot Tamding’s group, which had taken full control of Sikkim at the time. Page 43 of the book History of Sikkim mentions that in 1752 AD (1809 BS), the Pahadiya—referring to the Limbu and Magar communities—revolted against the Sikkimese king under the leadership of Sing Ragyel. Is Sing Ragyel actually Sirijunga?

However, it is written that this rebellion was suppressed by Changzot Karbang, who granted the Limbus the rights to play the nagara (a drum that only officials were allowed to play), carry the nishan (a flag used in war), and also promoted Limbu officials. Therefore, it seems that this revolt was not primarily about ethnicity or language, but rather about rights, positions, and prestige.

The author also mentions British scholars Brian Houghton Hodgson and Jovansing Phago in the book. However, none of the texts from the “Hodgson Collection” appear in her myths.

For example, in her poem titled Kangshore, only the names of warriors found in citations from Iman Singh Chemjong’s book Kirat History — 1948 and Thutob Namgyal/Yeshe Dolma’s History of Sikkim — 1908 are included.

On page 50 of History of Sikkim, the author mentions only Sunuhang, who fought against the Gorkhalis, but omits the names of other Limbu warriors like Ashdeu, Jasmukhi, and Yonghang. Volume 85 of the Hodgson Collection lists the names of brave fighters like Tiputaka, Thite Fudak, and Yuk Ada from Sikkim who fought against the Gorkhalis, including Gorkha, Khambu, Limbu, Bhote, and Lepcha warriors. Yet, their names are mentioned neither in the history of Sikkim nor in that of Nepal.

To substantiate her arguments, the author claims to have revealed myths related to Limbuwan and Sikkim. Interspersed with legends, stories, and poems, she appears to have tried to make the book mystical and artistic. For this reason, readers have also become confused. So, what really is the genre of the book — history, myth, story, or poetry?

Budha Subba is not a myth. Choutariya, or prime minister of the Bijayapur kingdom, Buddhikarna—the ancestor of Putlung Hang from Chainpur, Sankhuwasabha—is the real figure behind the name.

It presents objective details about what actually happened and when, based on facts, evidence, and research. So, is the author of this book trying to confine the history of Limbuwan and Sikkim only to beliefs, myths, emotions, and entertainment?

He was captured by the Gorkhalis from Chilmari and killed at the location where the Budha Subba temple in Bijaypur now stands. According to Francis Buchanan Hamilton, who reached Kathmandu from Calcutta in just 14 months in 1803 AD (1860 BS), the Gorkhali soldiers took three days to take his life.

Kangsore was the ancestor of the Phago Wanem clan of Limbu from Maiwakhola in Taplejung. In Volume 85 of the Hodgson Collection, during the description of the war involving the Gorkhas, Limbuwan, Khambuwan, Bhoteyas, and Lapchas, Kangsore is mentioned. He was deceitfully murdered by the Gorkhalis on the banks of the Sabhakhola in Barhabise, Sankhuwasabha.

In such historically significant places, the Gorkhalis, fearing that the souls of the dead might be restless, built temples and appointed Magar priests in particular. Thus, if this profound history is limited to myth, story, or poetry, then the souls of Kangsore and Buddhikarna will never find peace.

A myth is a traditional story that usually includes gods, ancestors, or supernatural beings. It explains natural phenomena, the origin of the world, human behavior, and cultural or religious beliefs by incorporating ancestors, deities, or supernatural entities. Poetry explores ideas through language and creates beauty.

It provides artistic expression, inspires, entertains, or reflects human emotions and values. Stories or legends, even if considered historical, lack verification. In legends, heroic figures are often portrayed as supernatural in order to deliver moral lessons. History explains the real events of the past.

It presents objective details about what actually happened and when, based on facts, evidence, and research. So, is the author of this book trying to confine the history of Limbuwan and Sikkim only to beliefs, myths, emotions, and entertainment?